Notes: New Cambridge Medieval History

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Any comments in square brackets are mine rather than the author’s.

Source: Fouracre, P. (ed.), New Cambridge Medieval History Vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2005)

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		Ch. 5: Moorhead, J. - The Byzantines in the West in the Sixth Century
CH05	118	Over the course of the fifth century, the Western Empire ceased to exist…
CH05	118-119	… but links with the Eastern Empire remained – political, commercial, et al.
CH05	120	500: The coastline of the former Western Empire was under the control of three kingdoms: Vandals (North Africa), Visigoths (Gaul, Spain), Ostrogoths (Italy). All three were Arian.
CH05	120-121	The three kingdoms were connected by marriage links.
CH05	121	The Ostrogoths were a danger to the Byzantine Empire as they controlled Dalmatia making a long border with the Empire. Ostrogoth interventions in Byzantine affairs – especially after Theodoric took over the Visigoth kingdom.
CH05	121	The northern part of the former Western Empire was also under different peoples – Franks/Burgundians – also linked by marriages/alliances with Theodoric…
CH05	122	… but present in less danger to the Byzantines…
CH05	122	… but the Byzantines also stirred up trouble in the Ostrogoths kingdom during the last years of Theodoric's reign.
CH05	123	533: Belisarius conquers Vandal kingdom.
CH05	125	Instability in the Ostrogoth kingdom post-Theodoric (526). 535: Byzantine invasion of Italy.
CH05	127	After initial Byzantine successes (up to 540), Totila comes to power in 541. Captures Rome 546 – but leaves soon after and Rome reoccupied by the Byzantine army. 550: Rome retaken by the Ostrogoths, Franks occupy parts of northern Italy.
CH05	128	A large Byzantine invasion force (552) includes Lombards. The Ostrogoths defeated at Busta Gallorum and Totila dies of wounds.
CH05	129	Gothic War over by 565.
CH05	129	552: The Byzantines able to capture south-east coast of Spain.
CH05	129-130	The midpoint of the six entry was the high water mark of Byzantine influence in the West (Ravenna as capital of Italy).
CH05	130	Strong links between the Byzantine Empire and the Church in Rome.
CH05	131-132	Justinian's heavy-handed attempts to resolve the Chalcedon/Monophysite dispute resented in Rome – and elsewhere in the West and North Africa.
CH05	133	Tensions over religion may have been driven by resentment over Justinian's reimposition of Byzantine rule in Italy – Despite the initial welcoming of the Byzantines. Collapse of the economy and corrupt and overbearing government – this elite now a part of an Eastern Empire whose ruler never visited the peninsula.
CH05	134	After Justinian's death, the Eastern Empire was disturbed by barbarian incursions from the east into the northern Balkans and Pannonia. Diminished ability of the Empire to intervene in the West.
CH05	134-135	It is possible that the rise of the Avars cause the Lombards to invade Italy (568). The Empire unable to prevent Lombard successes.
CH05	135	The rise of the Franks – occupy Southern Gaul at the expense of the Visigoths. 539: occupy northern Italy.
CH05	136	Complexities of the relationship between by Santi and disparate parts of the West – Byzantine attempts to use the Franks against the Lombards fail. Byzantine Empire on the defensive both in Italy and Africa.
CH05	137	Continuing links between the Empire and the West (trade, social/political/religious). Byzantine emperors keen on alliances with Western kingdoms.
CH05	138	Despite strong cultural links, overexpansion by Justinian led to the weakening of the Empire's position on its northern and eastern frontiers – few resources for the West (reduced to coastal fringes). The Empire gradually loses interest in the West.
		Ch. 11: Louth, A. - The Byzantine empire in the seventh century
CH11	291	At the start of the seventh century, the Byzantine Empire was part of a political configuration around the Mediterranean which had existed for centuries. Internally, it was based around cities and externally it comprised most of the Mediterranean littoral – although parts were already in other hands – Italy/Lombards, Gaul/Franks, Spain/Visigoths. All of this had gone by the end of the seventh century. In the east, the Persian Empire was replaced by the Arab conquests of the 630s and 640s. The Arab Empire was bigger and richer than the Roman Empire.
CH11	291-292	The events in the previous note, plus Slav incursions in the Balkans, reduced the role of cities to just fortified enclaves. Constantinople itself was badly affected but survived.
CH11	292	Twice emperors thought of abandoning Constantinople for elsewhere: Heraclius to Carthage in 618 and Constans II to Sicily in the 660s (he settled there). Arab pressure on the Empire was reduced when their capital moved from Damascus to Baghdad.
CH11	294	Maurice deposed 602 by Phocas after disagreements over the Slav incursions across the Danube. Intervention in support of Maurice by the Persian king Chosroes II led to a war that lasted until 626-627.
CH11	294	610: Phocas deposed by Heraclius (possibly at the invitation of the Constantinople senate).
CH11	295	611: Persians take Caesaria in Cappadocia [present-day Kayseri]. Menace from the Avars – both attack Constantinople 615. Persians also invade Palestine (Jerusalem 614) and Egypt/Libya. Heraclius negotiates a truce with the Avars but it does not hold. Renewed double attacks on Constantinople 626 but are beaten off.
CH11	295-296	Byzantine victories in Persia are followed by the murder of Chosroes (628).
CH11	296	All territory lost to the Persians restored.
CH11	296	The Empire split by the Monophysite crisis (strong in the eastern provinces) and exploited by Chosroes.
CH11	296-297	Heraclius' attempts at compromise only partially successful.
CH11	297	Late 620s: beginning of Arab attacks in Palestine and Syria.
CH11	297	633: Arab attacks in Gaza. Heraclius defeated at River Yarmuk in 636. Within a decade, the eastern provinces finally lost.
CH11	298	Some dates regarding the Arab conquest: 635/Damascus; 638/Jerusalem; 645/Alexandria. The death of Heraclius in 641 provokes a dynastic struggle. Succeeded by his two sons Constantine III and Heraclonas. Both replaced [within a year] by Constantine's son, Constans II.
CH11	298	Arab attacks on Anatolia (647) and naval expeditions: 649/Cyprus, 654/Rhodes, Kos and Crete. 655: Byzantine fleet defeated by Arabs.
CH11	298-299	Pressure on the Empire reduced due to civil war amongst the Arabs from 656 – 661/2…
CH11	299	… enables Byzantine successes against Slavs in the Balkans.
CH11	299-300	More problems with Monophysitism. Constans issues decree aiming at compromise but Pope Martin rejects this [on the basis of no imperial interference in theological matters]. Martin removed to Constantinople and condemned (665).
CH11	300	662: Constans II moves the court to Sicily – intending to free Italy from the Lombards. Military efforts not successful, residents in Sicily unpopular for financial reasons. Constans assassinated 668 and succeeded by his son Constantine IV.
CH11	301	Renewed Arab attacks capture Cyprus, Rhodes, Kos and Kyzikos on the Sea of Marmara 670. 672: loss of Smyrna. 674: Attack on Constantinople. Four year blockade ends with Byzantine victories at sea and in Anatolia.
CH11	301	670: Arrival of the Bulgars at the mouth of the Danube. Tolerated by the Empire as long as they stayed north of the Danube. Failure of Byzantine attempts to dislodge them in 680. An accommodation but the result was the creation of a Slav/Bulgar state with its capital at Pliska. Became a long-standing threat to the stability of the Empire.
CH11	302	The official policy of Monotheletism unacceptable to the West. As most Monophysites were in the territory now lost to the Arabs, Constantine IV convened the Sixth Ecumenical Synod (680-681) which endorses Orthodoxy. 680s – peace with the Lombards brokered by the Pope. 685: Constantine IV succeeded by his son Justinian II.
CH11	303	695: palace coup replaces Justinian II with Leontius whose three-year reign saw the loss of North Africa. Deposed and replaced by Tiberius III (698-705). More Arab raids leads to the restoration of Justinian II in 705 (aided by the Bulgars). His reign ended by another coup in 715, followed by three short reigning military leaders. Accession of Leo I 717.
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Source: McKitterick, R (ed.), New Cambridge Medieval History Vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1995)

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CH04		Ch. 4: Nelson, J. - The Frankish kingdoms 814-898: the West
CH04	110	By 813, only Louis the Pious remained so Charlemagne's policy of division between his sons was no longer possible.
CH04	111	Louis the Pious inherited not a cohesive unit but a collection of regna, formally independent, kingdoms, sub- kingdoms created for Charlemagne's sons. All of these had some degree of autonomy.
CH04	111	Louis the Pious continued the policy of dividing his realms between his sons but there was a problem with Italy as it was in the hands of Bernard, illegitimate son of Pippin (who had died in 810).
CH04	112	Louis the Pious's division of 817 mimicked Charlemagne's earlier Divisio but the difference was that Lothar was to be the first among equals so as to continue the Empire – and by being crowned Emperor was destined to rule Italy.
CH04	116	822: Lothar sent to Italy to rule it.
CH04	116	Family tensions over rule of the western part of West Francia between Louis the Pious, Lothar, and Pippin of Aquitaine.
CH04	117	823: birth of Charles the Bald and the assignment to him of a regnum (Alemannia, Alsace, Chur, and part of Burgundy) upsets Lothar as this territory blocks the link between Italy and Francia.
CH04	117	Rebellion of his sons against Louis the Pious – but the Rebel alliance doesn't hold.
CH04	118	Fierce fighting but Louis the Pious regains control in 834. Signs more territory to Charles the Bald and, after the death of Pippin in 838, Aquitaine (this inheriting Pippin's sons).
CH04	119	Conflict between Charles the Bald and Pippin II, son of Pippin of Aquitaine. Death of Louis the Pious in 840.
CH04	119	Despite conflicts, Louis the Pious had control of affairs: 839 agreement that Empire to be split between Charles and Lothar (Louis the German had Bavaria).
CH04	119	After the death of Louis the Pious, Lothar reasserts his claims to the Frankish heartlands on the basis of the agreement of 827…
CH04	120	… Makes alliance with Pepin II against Charles the Bald and Louis the German but in 841 the Battle of Fontenoy was lost by him.
CH04	121	843: Treaty of Verdun splits the Empire – trade-off of competing interests with both kings and their retainers – Pippin II excluded.
CH04	121	Failure of attempts by Lothar, his son Louis II and others to maintain the empire intact. Further divisions following the death of Lothar in 855 – Middle Kingdom divided between Lothar's three sons: then the northern part divided in 869 between Charles the Bald and Louis the German.
CH04	121	Boundary between West Francia and the Middle Kingdom sometimes based on the interests of the kings and sometimes on those of particular magnates.
CH04	124	Lothar becomes more conciliatory but Charles the Bald threatened in the 850s by Louis the Younger (son of Louis the German) in 854 and Louis the German himself in 858.
CH04	124	Charles the Bald plans to divided own territory between his two eldest sons (Neustria to Louis the Stammerer, Aquitaine to Charles).
CH04	125	Rebellion by the sons as they were kept on a short leash by Charles the Bald. Rebellion crushed.
CH04	125	After death of Charles 866, Louis the Stammerer sent to Aquitaine. Opportunities for the other brothers caused by Lothar's sons dying without male issue. Lothar II's divorce – dies in 869. 870 Lothar II's kingdom divided between Charles the Bald and Louis the German.
CH04	125-126	Tension/conflicts between Charles the Bald and Louis the German.
CH04	126	Charles the Bald acquires the Rhône Valley and Provence in 870. Also, after the death of Louis II (875), Charles the Bald is crowned emperor and leaves Boso as regent in Italy.
CH04	126-127	Death of Louis the German 876 allows Charles the Bald to take lands west of the Rhine (which Louis the German had taken from Lothar II)…
CH04	127	… but, having been deleted at Andernach, is obliged to give them up.
CH04	127	877: Charles the Bald goes to Italy to help against Saracens incursions but is forced to return due to a rebellion amongst magnates, including Boso. Charles the Bald dies (6 October 877).
CH04	136	Charles the Bald succeeded by Louis the Stammerer who comes to an agreement with Louis the Younger…
CH04	136-137	… effectively creating two separate kingdoms (West and East Francia).
CH04	137	879: death of Louis the Stammerer – (February 880, his kingdom divided between his sons Louis III and Carloman).
CH04	137	Death of Louis III in 882 and Carloman in 884 – both heirless.
CH04	138	The only heir left was Louis the Stammerer's posthumous son, Charles the Simple. Death heirless of Louis the Younger in 882. Reuniting of the Empire under Louis the German's youngest son Charles the Fat.
CH04	138	887: serious illness of Charles the Fat allows Arnulf, illegitimate son of Louis the German's son Karlmann, to become king of East Francia. In West Francia, the king was Odo, son of Robert the Strong (i.e. not a Carolingian).
CH04	140	Odo dies in 898 and is succeeded by Charles the Simple.
CH05		Ch. 5 : Fried, J. - The Frankish kingdoms 814-898: the East and Middle Kingdoms
CH05	144	After the death of Louis the Pious, rivalry in East Francia between Lothar and Louis the German but the latter prevailed from his base in Bavaria – from which is Francia as a kingdom was created. But 'Transrhenania' by no means united politically or culturally. Not as rich as West Francia and most of this was west of the Rhine.
CH05	146-147	Lothar's efforts to dominate his brothers post-Verdun a failure…
CH05	147	… Lothar unable to control the Vikings and also unable to control Provence (Saracens).
CH05	147	Only the person the king gave any unity to East Francia – local laws and tribes. Consolidation only completed in the 11th/12th centuries.
CH05	148	Louis the German's power base was Bavaria – rarely visited Saxony or Alemannia.
CH05	149	Louis the German predominantly concerned with acquiring the Middle Kingdom and the West – tried to take advantage of any weaknesses on the part of Charles the Bald.
CH05	149	On the death of Lothar in 855 – division of the Middle Kingdom: Louis – Italy and title of Emperor; Lothar II – lands up to the North Sea; Charles – Burgundy/Provence. None of them were succeeded by their own son. Constant pressure from Charles the Bald and Louis the German.
CH05	149-150	Lothar II hamstrung by lack of son and troubles over his attempt to divorce.
CH05	150	869 Death of Lothar II: Kingdom partition between Charles the Bald and Louis the German in 870 (Treaty of Meersen). Papal attempts on behalf of Louis II fail.
CH05	152	Rivalry with Moravia but no real effort to conquer Slav territories.
CH05	153	866: Boris, Khan of Bulgars, Seeks assistance from Louis the German – wanted national church independent of Byzantium – but Roman bishops beat them to it.
CH05	153	Louis the German's fractious sons: Carloman, Louis the Younger, Charles the Fat. Carloman revolts – allies with Moravians.
CH05	154	Power struggle between Carloman and Louis the German. Carloman compelled to submit 863/864.
CH05	154	Louis the German's preparations for partition of his kingdom – but sons given lesser powers than as kings – but more than a noble (model for future dukes). Carloman: Bavaria/Carinthia plus a claim to Italy; Louis the Younger: Franconia and Saxony plus expected gains in the West; Charles the Fat: Alemannia.
CH05	154	Louis the German's wife Emma (sister of Louis the Pious's wife Judith) encourages him to favour Carloman – drives Louis the Younger into revolt an alliance with West Frankish magnates. Charles the Bald affects reconciliation.
CH05	155	The comparative economic weakness of East Francia improve the stability of the kingdom. Louis the German sons found it difficult to recruit allies from function nobility.
CH05	156	Death of Louis the German encourages Charles the Bald who claimed that the Treaty of Verdun only an agreement between him and Louis the German. But stopped at Andernach by Louis the Younger.
CH05	156	876: Louis the German sons divide the realm as per the prior agreement. 877: Louis the Younger and Charles the Bald divide East Lotharingia while Carloman gets Italy.
CH05	156	Carloman's dispute with Charles the Bald over Italy resolved by the latter's death in 877. Opposition to Carloman from Pope John VIII unsuccessful but Carloman dies 880.
CH05	156	Louis the Younger United Franks, Saxons and later Lotharingia in his kingdom of East Francia.
CH05	157	After an attempt (failed) to gain control of West Francia, Louis the Younger gains Lotharingia at the Treaty of Ribémont (880).
CH05	157	Severe Viking problems for both West and East Francia but East Francia had the worst of it after Louis the Stammerer defeats them at Saucourt (881).
CH05	157	Louis the Younger except the succession of Bavaria while seeding claim to Italy to Charles the Fat but dies 882.
CH05	158	Charles the Fat inherits everything: Italy (879), title of Emperor (881), West Francia (885) – only Burgundy/Provence (Boso 879) not included. But centrifugal forces within the sub- kingdoms prevented real unity, especially as Charles Fat relied on his Alemannian councillors upsetting others.
CH05	159	Charles the Fat not equal to the task – especially trying to repel the Vikings.
CH05	159	Charles the Fat. Agree on a repartition of the Empire – had no legitimate son are not able to gain acceptance for Bernard, illegitimate and also a minor.
CH05	160	Ousts Charles the Fat in 887– who dies soon afterwards. Bernard killed fighting against Arnulf in 891.
CH05	160	Rise of new kings elsewhere: 888 Berengar of Friuli; Burgundy Rudolph of Welf; West Francia Odo, son of Robert the Strong; Provence Louis (son of Boso); Aquitaine Ramnulf.
CH05	160-161	Arnulf king of whole of East Francia but could only maintain loose hegemony over the rest.
CH05	161	892: Arnulf expels Vikings. Had strong support of the church.
CH05	162	Bavaria was Arnold's powerbase…
CH05	162-163	… but increasing problems with the nobility, not confined to Bavaria.
CH05	164	Arnulf not much interested in the the western part of East Francia or in Italy – hands themover to his illegitimate and incompetent son Zwentibold in 895.
CH05	164	Zwentibold unable to control the nobility and was killed in 900 and the nobility turned to his brother Louis.
CH05	165	Although Arnulf intervened in Italy and was crowned emperor in 896, his influence was curtailed by a stroke and eventually died in 900 – at a time when the Magyars were making inroads in to both Bavaria and Italy.
CH05	166	Arnulf succeeded by his six-year-old son Louis the Child who dies aged 17. Anarchy caused by noble rivalries.
CH05	167	After a defeat by the Magyars, the Lotharians abandoned Louis the Child and did homage to Charles the Simple of West Francia (910).
CH05	167	The Carolingian line in East Francia ended with Louis the Child death – nobody was prepared to accept Charles the Simple.
CH05	168	East Francia became a 'multiracial' state requiring all nobles to accept whoever became king. No common identity. Local patronage networks. Ultimate winners were the Saxons who re-established royal power.
CH06		Ch. 6: Smith, J. - Fines Imperii: the Marches
CH06	171	Each frontier region established a compromise with local circumstances – each sector unique but some common strategies.
CH06	171-172	810: Charlemagne's agreement with Nicephorus about Venice – recognises Byzantine lordship over Venice in return for recognition by Byzantium of Charlemagne's claim to Istria and the Dalmatian hinterland.
CH06	174	Problems of maritime defence (Vikings in the North and Saracens in Provence/Italy) – Carolingians really in a position to take the offensive.
CH06	175	After the takeover of the Lombard kingdom in 774, papal lands (nominally under Frankish protection) a buffer zone between the north and the turbulence of the south. Spoleto under direct Carolingian control but Benevento at best nominal – occasional successful interventions by Louis II.
CH06	175	In general, southern Italy was not of much interest to Carolingian rulers, especially Louis the Pious and Lothar I.
CH06	175	After the 812 treaty between Charlemagne and Michael I, the Lombard duchies were no longer a threat. Internecine conflicts and fragmented nature of power in the south (Lombard, Byzantine, Saracen) prevented effective imperial control – no prestige possible, only humiliation.
CH06	175-176	Common strategies: 1) negotiations coupled with readiness to news force; 2) participation in early mediaeval diplomatic practices – envoys, gifts, hostages, tributes/oath of loyalty, truces and treaties. (Note: only Cordoba and the Byzantine Empire were treated on equal terms the others had to recognise Frankish superiority; 3) the Carolingians were prepared to make alliances with non-Christian polities at the frontier; 4) although each sector was different, all considered part of the same parcel. Similar solutions in administrative arrangements, communication links with the centre and relationships with neighbours.
CH06	176-177	Front is are both linear and zonal with a loose connection between the two: Lothar I 'within the kingdom and outside it in our marches'.
CH06	177	Regions scratched at defence arrangements in these regions were in the hands of the count, prefect, duke or marquis.
CH06	177	Carolingian boundaries really corresponded with geographic, ethnic or linguistic distinctions…
CH06	178	… or religious ones.
CH06	181	Due to the distances involved, difficult to maintain balance between royal and aristocratic interests. Account could be sent to rule a border area but owed much to local patronage and his continued authority required balancing with local interests and customs. Local aristocrats could be upset by a sub- king being parachuted in to rule their territory.
CH06	182	Destabilising effects of local feuds – especially if neighbouring rulers brought in to support one side or the other.
CH06	182	Competing sons could use external forces to destabilise each other's territory.
CH06	183	Post 840, hegemony over peripheral peoples an area of competition between rival brothers, sons, nephews…
CH06	184	Louis II intervene to settle civil war between Benevento and Salerno (849) – first Carolingian ruler since 801 to take an interest in southern Italian affairs.
CH12		Ch. 12: Delogu, P. - Lombard and Carolingian Italy
CH12	290	The Lombard polity was participatory – ancient Germanic idea [did the Franks adhere to this as well?] – Military activity and the ability to make local regulations – assemblies of judges and royal 'fideles' – free Lombard = exercitalis/arimanus = man who performs military service for the public authority.
CH12	290-291	Exercitalis performed service at his own expense – king was there to ensure that their interests were safeguarded – personal oath of fidelity.
CH12	291	Liutprand's laws: judicial districts with hierarchy of powers (iudicaria) – usually corresponded with territory of a city.
CH12	291	Judicial hierarchy: king / iudex (in charge of iudicaria) / decanus or saltarius (legal supervisor for a district) / sculdhais (lowest rank able to administer justice). Power = jurisdiction.
CH12	291	Liutprand's control was not universal, only northern Italy. The Byzantine provinces (Venetiae, the Exarchate and the Pentapolis) were outside. Tuscia was subject to the king but he had less control. Spoleto/Benevento did not fully recognise the king's authority but shared the same laws and customs.
CH12	291-292	Dukes were the titular holders of power but shared ties with the king with different levels of intensity and subordination.
CH12	292	Kings had imposed themselves on the dukes but the latter were not transformed into royal officials. Members of ancient families or proven war leaders – i.e. their own prestige but cooperated with kings – who had limited power over them. The king could appoint to vacant positions but it was difficult to remove incumbents.
CH12	292	There was no royal family – although succession from father to son was frequent.
CH12	292	Kings could overcome individual dukes because of consensus with the others and by having access to greater resources. Overall, more like an alliance than a relationship of service. The further away they were from Pavia, the harder they were to control: applies to Spoleto/Benevento but also to Friuli/Trento.
CH12	292	Royal officials (gastaldi) responsible for the school administration throughout the kingdom – but also held military commands and ruled cities where there was no duke. Gastalds were from the elite but not natural aristocracy – could easily be removed.
CH12	293	Gastalds were not antagonistic to dukes but did act as tools for royal authority. There were no gastalds in Spoleto/Benevento. By the end of the seventh century in the Po Valley and Tuscia, cities dominated the countryside as centres of public authority, residences of landowners, economic activity. Citydwellers could take political and military activity – and even oppose the iudices.
CH12	293	Importance of patronage networks (affinities), originally military and by the eighth century also political and social bonds. Not vassalage à la Frank but similar in effect. Kings also had followers throughout the kingdom (gasindii) to support royal authority uninstitutionally.
CH12	294	Churches exercised power to produce social cohesion. Landowners – bishops as supporters of the administration – if landowners had to provide military services.
CH12	301	Charlemagne's conquest made easier by the loose structure of the Lombard polity and internal divisions…
CH12	303	… and the fragmented nature of the lombard army.
CH12	304	The nomination of Bernard as King of Italy confirmed the kingdom's separate status but not its authority (especially after Bernard's revolt).Lothar was King of Italy for 10 years without living there – and he was not even crowned King, only Emperor – but by being forced into exile in Italy 829 ruling there alone, restored life to the kingdom as a separate entity. The resolution of Lothar's quarrel with Louis the Pious in 839 led to the coronation of Louis II as King…
CH12	305	… and the existence of the kingdom as a separate entity was never thereafter questioned.
CH12	305	The need to defend the external borders of the Empire resulted in the strengthening of the dukes in Italy In Friuli, Spoleto, Tuscia which became marches as in the Frankish system. [Threats: Arabs in the south, Avars/Magyars in the East as well as the remnants of Byzantine rule - i.e. those areas which were exposed geopolitically.]
CH12	305	Carolingian emperors picked dukes loyal to them regardless of the presence of a sub- king in Italy. Strictly speaking, kings were not necessary as powerful dukes could provide security.
CH12	306	Although preserving Lombard law, the Lombard ruling classes were gradually removed from public office, replaced by members of the transalpine aristocracy: Franks, Alemans, Burgundians. They were appointed to judicial districts as counts, dukes or marquesses. Others were appointed as vassals to provide counts with armed support. Process complete by mid-ninth century. Lombard identity gradually removed.
CH12	307	Increasingly, Italian capitularies were transalpine in origin. Counts took over Lombard districts but derived their authority from the Crown – no ties to the territory they ruled. Separate relationship with gastalds also blurred. Extension of the role of the Church in the administration of the kingdom.
CH12	308	Some bishops from Francia but usually locals. Bishops largely loyal to the king – could become competitors to the counts. Counts began to dominate local society – acquired land from others who sold out, using physical oppression, enhancing their own interests. Increased bondage and reduced freemen (rents/services) – manipulation of justice.
CH12	309	Rural seigneurs and bishops increasingly important in social organisation.
CH12	309	Kings' attempts to master the situation in effective – too sporadic or contrary to supporters' own interests. Situation degenerated after the death of Pippin of Italy. Royal ordinances only concerned with the prerogatives of the state – increasing alienation from the state.
CH12	309-310	Cities had less independence than under the Lombards but did retain some – especially when in alliance with local elites resident in the city.
CH12	310	The state appointed gastalds to administer cities under the counts but citizen's preferred bishops as a counterweight to the power of the count – also more often of local origin.
CH12	310-311	The division of Lotharingia between Lothar's three sons left Louis II (emperor) with only Italy – making it cease to be an appendix to the Empire as a whole.
CH12	311	Louis II exercised strong ruler over the papacy and the exarchate, insisting on imperial prerogatives. Also controlled Spoleto, installing Guy, son of a Frankish count.
CH12	312	Guy of Spoleto could call on a network of alliances from outside of the Franks but was contained by Louis II.
CH12	313	Death of Louis II in 875 with no male heirs – power vacuum – local elites no longer dependent for their power on an external ruler – needed the kingdom to exist in order to remain autonomous. Increasing difficulty for a ruler to control distant lands – needed a pact with the local aristocracy. The descendants of Frankish 'invaders' had gone native.
CH12	313-314	Local elites (lay and ecclesiastical) assembled to elect a successor to Louis II.
CH12	314	Commonality of interests: Kingdom of Italy, imperial title, papacy somewhat conflicted with the nobility.
CH12	314	Residual rights of the Carolingian's obliged the election of one of their number until the deposition of Charles the Fat. None of them were of local origin and did not move to Italy. Needed the support of the local elites – legitimacy derived from the assembly that elected them.
CH12	315	Tendency for power of aristocrats to increase, leading to the passing of titles from father to son. Development of two rival local loci of power: Friuli and Milan. Weakened royal authority helped tendency to self-government in Spoleto and Tuscia…
CH12	316	… are these trends accentuated by the deep position of Charles the Fat. Stand-off between Berengar and Guy of Spoleto.
CH12	317	Maintenance of the Carolingian administrative framework but aristocrats felt themselves independent of royal authority. Adalbert of Tuscia as kingmaker for Guy of Spoleto but using his power to prevent either Berengar or Guy from dominating.
CH12	317	Creation of the March of Ivrea – counts of Milan and Verona called themselves marquesses.
CH12	318	Death of Guy of Spoleto and his son Lambert leaves the field to Berengar – but his opponents call in an outsider (Louis of Provence). All potential candidates for the kingship against aristocratic independence. Use of the imperial title to give legitimacy and authority when not actually in control.
CH12	319	Kingdom of Italy continued to exist – Carolingian framework but royal authority much diminished: Kings versus top elites but also the expanding cities and an emerging lower aristocracy.
CH13		Ch. 12 : Brown, T. - Byzantine Italy c.680 - c.876
CH13	320	Post-Lombard invasion, Byzantine territory in Italy was confined to: Rome/Duchy; Ravenna/Exarchate/Pentapolis; plus coastal areas. Only able to hold on to these territories by militarising society. Liguria and most of the Veneto lost during the reign of Rothari (636-652). Constant encroachment from Benevento – unsuccessful expedition to southern Italy by Constans II (663-668).
CH13	320	Pope Martin I anti-monthetelitism – captured and sent to Constantinople where he died in 653.
CH13	320	666: Constans II grants ecclesiastical authority to Ravenna [I.e. away from Rome].
CH13	321	Constantine IV reconciles with the Pope and breaks with the Archbishop of Ravenna. Arianism repudiated by the Lombard king Perctarit (672—88). Church unity achieved by the Synod of Pavia (698).
CH13	321	Strong Byzantine influence in Italy: 8/9 popes from 676-715 of Greek, Syrian, Sicilian origin. But the Byzantine situation in Italy was unstable. Eastern elites posted to Italy married locals and resisted imperial pressure.
CH13	321	The Empire more worried about threats from Arabs, calves, Slavs. 690: Sicily becomes a theme, weakening the Exarchate in Ravenna.
CH13	321-322	The theme of Sicily also included Byzantine territories on the southern mainland.
CH13	322	The actions of Justinian II provokes resistance in Italy, even from the Exarchate.
CH13	322-323	Needing papal support, Justinian II supports Pope John VII against Ravenna.
CH13	323	Just put down a rebellion in Ravenna against the Empire or the Pope. New exarch murdered by the resistance in Ravenna 710. The antipathy in Ravenna to the Empire March by decline in the role of exarchs.
CH13	324	Deterioration of papal-Byzantine relationship following the assassination of Justinian II. Revival of Lombard strength under Liutprand (712-744). More Arab pressure on Constantinople. Revolt against the emperor in Sicily put down. 717: Lombard interventions (including from Spoleto/Benevento) into Byzantine territory; some lost permanently.
CH13	324	Leo III tries to take action against Pope Gregory II but foiled by Romans with Lombard assistance from Spoleto/Benevento.
CH13	324-325	The iconoclasm crisis causes independence movements in Italy against the emperor.
CH13	325	Not all Italy was anti-iconoclasm. Gregory refuses to support at Byzantine feelings – needs Byzantine support against Lombards (Spoleto/Benevento pro Pope but Liutprand anti).
CH13	325	727: Liutprand makes alliance with the new Exarch but Gregory was able to split them.
CH13	325-326	Leo III's stronger decrees against icons provoke reaction from the new Pope Gregory III. Leo III transfers the south Italian provinces to the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople.
CH13	326	Modus vivendi I establish between Gregory and the Exarch which lowers the temperature. Late 730s, Lombard occupy Ravenna but driven out by the Phoenicians. 739: Spoleto captures territory in the Duchy of Rome – but Gregory gets it back. Spoleto revolts against Liutprand – who threatens Rome – Gregory III asks Charles Martel for help.
CH13	326	742: Pope Zacharias gets a 20 year peace with Liutprand. Liutprand threatens Ravenna – And Archbishop seek intervention from Pope – who succeeds – acting independently of the Empire for the first time.
CH13	327	Constantine V bribes Pope back to allegiance. Aistulf takes the Exarchate (partly due to some locals preferring the Lombards to the Pope) but does not occupy it militarily. Fall of Ravenna has little effect on other Byzantine territories as these had gradually become autonomous.
CH13	327-328	Venetia stays with Byzantium
CH13	328	In the south, Sicily and the duchies of Calabria, Otranto, Naples, under the Theme of Sicily. With the Exarchate/Pentapolis, a tug-of-war between Lombards, Papacy, and local elites.
CH13	328	Aistulf increases pressure on Rome. 754: Pépin the Bref intervenes; Aistulf promises to return seized territory but does not do so. 756: Pépin the Bref forces the handover to Pope Stephen II. A serious blow to Imperial claims but complete break by the papacy only from 770s. Close relations between papacy and the Franks.
CH13	328	New Lombard king Desiderius continues to drag its feet, Pépin the Bref declines to intervene again [does own deal with the Lombards?]. Modus vivendiy between Pope Poul I and the Lombards.
CH13	329	After the death of Paul I (767), Duchy of Rome full of internal conflicts between local military leaders and clerical bureaucrats with one side being supported by Desiderius (Pope Stephen III).
CH13	329	Succession of Adrian I – take stand against Desiderius – calls in Charlemagne who takes over the Lombard kingdom in 774.
CH13	329	Increasing ties between Pope and Franks; ties with Byzantium not formally broken but increasingly hostile. Adrian fears a Byzantine invasion helped by Benevento but Charlemagne refuses to intervene. Duchy of Rome prosperous due to Adrian's personal position as a member of the Roman elite.
CH13	330	Adrian strengthens his control over the Roman contado (policy continued by his successor Leo III) but not able to secure total control in the exarchate or formally Lombard areas.
CH13	330	Leo III not an aristocrat – weaker than his predecessor and so more dependent on the Franks.
CH13	331	Attempts to overthrow Leo III thwarted by Charlemagne's intervention (coronation as Emperor Christmas Day 800). Effective end of Byzantine control of the papacy – popes strongly pro-Carolingian. However, some Byzantine influence remained in the first half of the ninth century especially among Roman aristocracy seeking to reduce Frankish influence.
CH13	331-332	Some rapprochement with the Byzantine Empire as a result of Muslim activity in the south – but aid also provided by Louis II.
CH13	332	Byzantine naval strength needed to counter Saracens – ultimate success in 915 (overthrow of the Arab base at the mouth of the Garigliano).
CH13	332	Tension between the papacy and the Empire over new wave of iconoclasm and transfer of jurisdiction in southern Italy to the Patriarchate of Constantinople. However, the papacy still had claim of authority over the eastern church. Also cultural and theological links.
CH13	332	Even though power was ebbing away from the Empire, retention of Byzantine titles and institutions.
CH13	333	Popes modelled themselves on Byzantine emperors which increased with the growing dissatisfaction with Frankish 'barbarians' and impotence. Improved relations between the Empire and the Roman elite of the 10th century. Popes claimed authority over Exarchate/Pentapolis but not so effective due to strong local institutions.
CH13	334	De facto power in the Exarchate remained in the hand of the Archbishop of Ravenna. Papacy compromises out of fear of Byzantine reconquest. Lombard efforts to install candidate as Archbishop thwarted by the Franks but the new Archbishop also hostile to papacy and deals directly with Charlemagne (770s).
CH13	334-335	Compromise reached: Pope has overall political authority but Archbishop in charge due to strong local links.
CH13	335	Franks basically pro-Pope but aware of Ravenna's Byzantine links and strategic position (the Empire still held Venetia). Lothar's bad relations with the papacy exploited by Ravenna. Frankish authority increases in the Exarchate (as opposed to going via the papacy).
CH13	336	Attempts by Archbishop John VIII (850-878) to increase independence from papacy fail. Louis II possibly trying to incorporate Exarchate into the kingdom of Italy. John exploits Carolingian accession crisis following the death of Louis II (875). The end of the Carolingians (888) saw the Exarchate being more integrated into the kingdom of Italy – but kings were weak (which allowed archbishops to maintain their status).
CH13	337	By the end of the ninth century, much of Roman/Byzantine character replaced by patrimonial links to local elites and links to families in Tuscia and the Po Valley. Unlike Rome, few cultural links with the Empire.
CH13	338	By the late eighth century, Istria in the hands of the Franks but Venetia remained in the hands of the Empire.
CH13	339	Venetia followed the pattern of the rest of Byzantine Italy: power in the hands of local elites who looked after their own interests.
CH13	339	Election of the first Doge in 727 – recognised as dux by the Empire. Powerful Frankish presence from 770s. Charlemagne promises Phoenicia and Istria to Adrian I in 774 but loyalty to the Empire remains.
CH13	339-340	Charlemagne creates Frankish fief under Pépin, King of Italy– Byzantine resistance – compromise reached – did not last due to conflicts between local factions.
CH13	340	Venetia recognised as Byzantine in the Frankish-Byzantine treaty of 812. Venetia retained cordial relations with the Empire but increasingly independent. Venetian Navy helps to repel Arab attacks on the South (827) and in the Adriatic (830s/840s).
CH13	340-341	Treaty with Lothar (840) acknowledges Venice's neutrality – confirmed by later agreement with Louis II.
CH13	341	Reassertion of Byzantine power in late ninth century – Venetian leaders given Byzantine titles – but remain autonomous.
CH13	341	Duchy of Naples: coastal strip and islands of the Bay of Naples, Terra di Lavoro plus Sorrento, Amalfi, Gaeta. Concentration of power in the hands of local military elite, greater loyalty to Empire due to maritime links with the East plus need for protection from Benevento. Iconoclast. Unaffected by fall of Exarchate as under the authority of the strategos of the Sicilian theme.
CH13	342	827: Arab invasion of Sicily means Naples left to fend for itself. 835: Duke Andrew uses Arab mercenaries against Benevento then helps them seize Messina from the Empire. Needed to have good relations with the Arabs – Duke excommunicated by Pope John VIII.
CH13	342	Cultural and economic influence of the Empire was pervasive.
CH13	343	Gaeta part of the Duchy of Naples until 839. Forced to have good relations with Arabs (pirates at the mouth of the Garigliano). Amalfi needed to remain part of Naples for protection from everyone else but independent of the Empire by the late ninth century but retained trading links.
CH13	343-344	Calabria and Otranto: late seventh century name given to Duchy ruled from Reggio – Terre d' Otranto and South Calabria.
CH13	344	Early eighth century: Otranto lost to the Lombards, and the term was confined to the old civilian province of Bruttium in the southwest toe of Italy, which came under the authority of the strategos of Sicily. By 899 had become the headquarters of the strategos as Sicily had been lost to the Arabs.
CH13	344	Otranto had been restored to the Empire by Desiderius in 758 for help against Benevento rebels. Otranto replaced by Benevento (and later Bari) as capital after the reconquest of Apulia in 876.
CH13	345	Sicily: loyal to the Empire. 663: Constans II those imperial capital to Sara cues. 690s: Justinian II makes Sicily a theme with authority over all southern Byzantine territory – major player after fall of the Exarchate (751). Much Hellenism but the Church was under Rome. Usual tendencies towards autonomy. Transferred to the Patriarch of Constantinople circa 753. Unrest due to economic decline (Arab raids). Unlike mainland Byzantine territories, Sicily had no dominant centre such as Naples or Ravenna.
CH13	347	From 827, increasingly successful Arab raids – Syracuse falls 878.
CH13	347	Sardinia: administered by the Exarchate of Carthage but after the fall of the latter in 698, power increasingly in hands of local elites.
CH13	348	After long period of Byzantine decline, naval power allows it to recover in the second half of the ninth century. Disenchantment with the Franks, Arab raids. Reconquest of much Lombard territory in Apulia, Calabria and Lucania (Bari 876/Taranto 880). New era of nearly two centuries of Byzantine domination of southern Italy.
CH14		Ch. 14 : McCormick, M. - Byzantium and the West, 700-900
CH14	349	By Santi and Western Europe shared many institutions, traditions and experiences. Examples: the Pope who crowned Charlemagne was a native Greek speaker; Franks served in the Byzantine military.
CH14	349	Both Byzantium and the West influenced each other but some similarities were residual from their shared past.
CH14	349-350	Circa 700, residual mental links even though the real ones had lapsed.
CH14	350	By 900, the old (imaginary) links had gone but actual contacts had increased – Christianity meant special relations – but splits beginning to occur: Byzantium regarded the Pope and Latin as barbarous and the West regarded the Byzantines is no longer Romans but Greeks (Graeci).
CH14	350-351	The problems of the seventh century transformed Byzantium for the worse: falling population due to epidemics and losses of territory to the Arabs. Towns now only administrative centres (both lay and ecclesiastical).
CH14	351	Loss of territory resulted in a three quarters loss of tax revenues – Christianity challenged by Islam. Replacement of Latin as the administrative language by Greek (outside of Latin speaking areas such as Dalmatia and Italy).
CH14	351-352	Much of Byzantine culture was now outside of the Byzantine polity (Arab/Italy).
CH14	352	But the failure of the last Arab siege of Constantinople (717-718) marked the beginning of a renewal of Byzantine civilisation as a platform for the 10th century expansion.
CH14	352	Leo III (717-741) defended Christianity from the Arabs – inaugurated iconoclasm (note the affinity with Islam). The Isaurian/Syrian dynasty was iconoclast until Irene (780-790/797-802) who recruited Adrian I's support to get rid of it.
CH14	352	After Irene, more short reigns – Michael II (820-829) – final abolition of iconoclasm by the Regent Theodora (mother of Michael III).
CH14	352-353	Michael III overthrown by Basil I.
CH14	353	Soldier emperors predominant (Leo III and his son Constantine V).
CH14	353	Reorganisation of the state allowed the re-establishment of control – creation of themes in the East. The term means both autonomous military units and large territorial districts. Combination of the two created a political/military organism similar to exarchates in Italy and North Africa.
CH14	353	Themes checked the advance of the Arabs and the broadcast but meant that their leaders could challenge the emperor. Disarray caused by civil war between Michael II and Thomas the Slav factor – loss of Crete (824-828) and invasion of Sicily (826).
CH14	353-354	Military and naval reorganisations enable the preservation of the Empire and expansion West into the Balkans and East across Asia Minor.
CH14	354	Infrastructure improvements, better administration and increased tax revenues. Also civil service reforms (logothetes reporting directly to the emperor). But also frequent internal conflicts as elites jockeyed for power.
CH14	355	The emerging power elite supplied most challenges to imperial authority.
CH14	355	Disruptive effect of imperial iconoclasm – divisions in Church – patriarchs often under control of the emperors – series of schisms.
CH14	356	Prestige of the orthodox Roman church – appealed to by Byzantine opponents of iconoclasm – side-effect: the slipping out of the Duchy of Rome from imperial control.
CH14	356	Revival of literary culture.
CH14	356-357	Improvements to the walls of Constantinople leads to urban renewal.
CH14	357	Second-half the seventh century: trade between Constantinople and the West dries up for various reasons: academics, declining economies in the West, Islamic conquests but also increased demand from the East.
CH14	357-358	New Arab rulers use the Nile as a base for raids. Disruption of land routes due to loss of control of the Balkans. However, new trade in the eighth century with the Black Sea region.
CH14	358	Nadir of trade circa 700 but gradual increase over the next two centuries – embodied by the emergence of Venice (nominally Byzantine). But most Venetian trade was with the Islamic world…
CH14	358-359	… Islamic coins as medium of exchange in Byzantine Italy.
CH14	359	Greek merchants also trading more with Africa (via southern Francia and Italy) than with Constantinople. Growth in infrastructure permitted and channelled relations between Byzantium and the West.
CH14	359-360	Diplomatic initiatives as the Frankish and Byzantine empires expanded and their interests either converged or collided, especially in Italy. Other actions in central Europe: Charlemagne's destruction of the Avars open the way for the Bulgars. Mutual concern over Moravians.
CH14	360	10th century links with Scandinavia via Rus.
CH14	360	Byzantium saw Constantinople as the capital of the Roman Empire even of the bits that had been occupied by barbarians and claimed sovereignty over all other kingdoms as the Emperor (basileus) was God's representative on earth. An exception was made for the Caliph (as had been the case previously for the Persian Shah). Franks seen as usurpers.
CH14	360-361	To exert influence all methods were used from gifts to armed intervention: religious cooperation/concession, subsidy of rivals – buffer states – marriage links – stir up action by enemies of enemies.
CH14	361	The key position of fragmented Italy. Lombard pressure on the increasingly autonomous Byzantine holdings – Ravenna Rome Naples. Southern Italy the anchor of Byzantine power: Sicily and later Calabria/Apulia. Concerns over the loss of Rome to the barbarians (i.e. papal alliance with the Franks).
CH14	361	Early eighth century: Byzantine attempts to reintegrate Italy into the Empire. Stymied by the Lombards and then the Franks to replace them. The strengthening of transalpine political, cultural and economic links meant that North Italy had become part of northern Europe.
CH14	361	Arabs able to capitalise on Byzantine difficulties and drive the Empire from Sicily and also to gain a foothold in the toe of Italy. Collapse of the Frankish Empire combined with a resurgence of Byzantine power reintegrated Italy (Rome and the territory south of it) as part of the Mediterranean world.
CH14	361	Rome as the key to Italy – cultural and religious significance greater than political. Its position on the border between the North and South world made it good for cross-cultural contacts. Change of elite culture 700-900.
CH14	361-362	Around 725, the papacy began to shed its Byzantine inheritance. Up to then the papal bureaucracy, lay elite and monasteries all with heavy Greek influence. The papal court was considered a part of Byzantine provincial officialdom. Refugees from troubles in the East [iconoclasm dispute?]
CH14	362	From mid-eighth century, Latin prevails but the forger of the Donation of Constantine wrote in Greek – Latin accented Greek persists in monasteries – reinforcements from Greek refugees. 807:6 of the most important monasteries and one convent were Greeks – but use and teaching of Greek was diminishing.
CH14	363	By 900, immigration from the East had ceased. Central attempts to tighten control on the periphery (by the Empire) alienated Rome and its church – and resisted demands for increased taxes. Byzantium unable to counter either the Arab or Lombard threats due to threats closer to home. Iconoclasm not accepted. Byzantine reaction: confiscation of papal property in Sicily and Calabria and transfer of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of South Italy and Elyria to Constantinople Patriarchate.
CH14	363-364	Papacy resisted/protested on religious matters but supported the Empire politically – put down anti imperial revolts – intervened with the Lombards over Ravenna.
CH14	364	Triangular relationship: Rome-Constantinople-Frank/Lombards. Rapprochement of any to could threaten the third. Some (but not much) evidence of Lombards links with Byzantium.
CH14	364	Byzantium recognise that the Franks were a threat in Italy and made overtures to placate them. Rapprochement between the Franks and Byzantium caused tensions in Rome (e.g. plans to marry Gisela to Leo IV).
CH14	364-365	Internal Frankish divisions after the death of Pépin the Bref relieved pressure on Italy.
CH14	366	However, one driver for child allowance intervention was the escape of his widowed sister-in-law (a Lombard princess) and her sons to Pavia.
CH14	366	Adrian I welcomed Frankish protection but continued to recognise Byzantine sovereignty.
CH14	366	New (but not fulfilled) marriage proposal between Frankish princess and Byzantine Prince (781) alarms the papacy.
CH14	366	The Frankish-Byzantine rapprochement ended over disputes concerning the Adriatic region.
CH14	366-367	Conflict over Benevento – Byzantine invasion 788 to restore Lombard king Adelchis. Benevento sides with the Franks and invasion defeated.
CH14	367	Rapprochement with Benevento by marriage of Evanthia (emperor's sister-in-law) to the Duke of Benevento.
CH14	367	797: Byzantine efforts at rapprochement with the Franks fail.
CH14	367-368	Charlemagne's coronation soured relations with Byzantium – as does Charlemagne taking advantage of power struggle in Venice.
CH14	368	War between Franks and Byzantium – ends with Charlemagne renouncing claims to Venice but is recognised by the Empire as basileus . 25 year long modus vivendi.
CH14	368	Some joint military efforts against the Arabs but crises in Louis the Pious's court ended them.
CH14	368	Mid-ninth century: the Frankish Empire was fragmenting at the same time as the Mediterranean infrastructure was recovering. Rome becoming autonomous. Sicily coming under Arab control but in general, buys and time power on the up.
CH14	369	Arrival of the Arabs on the mainland of Italy force Byzantine Frankish cooperation (Louis II being resident in Italy). Bari recaptured but relationship broke down over both sides attempt on Benevento – whose rulers play a double game.
CH14	369	Death of Louis II without a male heir precipitates internal Carolingian struggle, allowing Byzantium a free hand to intervene in the south.
CH14	370	Papal setbacks drive Pope towards Byzantium.
CH14	370	However, people-Byzantine disputes over ecclesiastical jurisdiction still unresolved. Problems caused by renewed iconoclasm conflict (schism in Byzantine church).
CH14	371	Bluegrass/Moravian manoeuvring over which version of Christianity to choose – Bulgars flirting with the Franks and the Moravians with Byzantium.
CH14	371-372	Papacy drawn into Byzantine power struggles over iconoclasm etc.
CH14	372	878: Arabs capture of Syracuse provokes strong Byzantine reaction: successes in southern Italy (capture of Taranto and naval victories). Post Carolingian chaos allows Byzantium to occupy Benevento (891-895).
CH14	373	Monasteries and local elites turn to Byzantium.
CH14	373	Byzantine overtures to Louis the German (alliance).
CH14	373	Marriage of Louis the Blind with Anna, daughter of Leo VI. Victory over Arab stronghold at the mouth of the Garigliano (915).
CH14	379	Despite Byzantine successes in southern Italy, northern Italy now fixed to the transalpine and Venice becoming an Italo-Byzantine hybrid. Byzantine links with the West mainly political/religious but not economic.
CH14	379	Generally speaking, the extent to which transalpine Europe control parts of Italy was the chief factor affecting the intensity of political and direct cultural interaction north of the Alps for the Byzantine Empire.
CH16		Ch.16: Airlie, S. - The Aristocracy
CH16	431	700-900: the barbarians West dominated by hereditary aristocracy – but it was not closed – Kings could promote and burst no guarantee of power. Byzantium different – only from the end of its entry did a hereditary aristocracy merge.
CH16	431	The early Carolingian rulers were dependent upon their followers – and not just the ones from Austrasia.
CH16	432-433	Local origins less important for aristocrats than being part of the Imperial aristocracy (i.e. closeness to the ruling dynasty).
CH16	433	The Carolingian Empire was a network of family relationships.
CH16	434	Reichsaristocratie Only the tip of the iceberg. Frankish world of 8th/9th centuries more flexible socially than the German one of the 10th.
CH16	434	Importance of royal favour and patronage…
CH16	435	… but royal favour underpinned by family structures.
CH16	435-436	Family structures and patterns of property holding little disturbed by the Treaty of Verdun.
CH16	436	Splitting the Empire meant that office holding would only be in one kingdom but property and family interests maintained in others. No fixed location for family (no family seat) – unlike later mediaeval periods (e.g. 12th century) – properties too scattered.
CH16	436-437	Appearance of castles as centres of lordship a driver in the change towards having a family seat. Aristocrats in the period 700-900 did not have surnames.
CH16	437	Aristocrats did not act as large clans but were more fluid and dynamic. Families could split – take opposite sides and dynastic conflicts.
CH16	438	Family identity was flexible – could be agnatic or cognatic.
CH16	441	Family monasteries' as source for aristocratic wealth (founded by family of which a member was always the head).
CH16	433	Public office and benefices heavily competed for as gave prestige and political muscle. Incumbents had to demonstrate that they were worthy – but also that their noble status entitled them to rule.
CH16	444	Over time count ships started to pass from father to son but this was not a foregone conclusion.
CH16	444	There were always more claimants for offices than positions available.
CH16	445	Treaty of Verdun concerned to ensure that each king received enough resources to reward his followers.
CH16	445	Examples of penalties for followers backing the wrong horse: Carloman's followers having to flee to the Lombards; followers of Bernard of Italy joined his revolt for fear of losing their offices.
CH16	445-446	No security of tenure: 21 dismissals in the 26 years of the reign of Louis the Pious.
CH16	446	Magnates determined to hold onto their offices: impact of partible inheritance is a threat to family fortune, also scattered nature of property holdings – benefices more stable than family estates.
CH16	447	The importance of holding a royal office could lead to the abandonment of family estates. Could also cause intrafamilial conflicts.
CH16	447	What magnates obtained from the king had to be distributed to their own followers.
CH16	447-448	Appointment to an office such as account ship did not necessarily enable the planting of routes – even if so desired and many just saw the office as a source of money and troops. The lower ranks of the aristocracy were more stable – could serve successive Masters – especially in Italy where estates would be leased to bishops.
CH16	448-449	Role of 'super magnates' as supporters of a king – assigned important tasks such as the administration of large's's chunks of territory. There are usually loyal but would fight to maintain their status if threatened. The crisis of Carolingian kingship allowed the rise of super magnets to royal status (i.e. filling a gap in leadership). Epitomised by the events after the disposition and death of Charles the Fat.
CH16	449	Examples: Berengar, son of Eberhard of Friuli (Italy); Conrad, son of Rudolf (Burgundy); Louis, son of Boso & Wido, Son of Lambert (Provence/Gaul); Odo, son of Robert the Strong (North West Francia).
CH16	449	Aristocrats were the natural heirs to the Carolingian kings but without their charisma and so unable to dominate in the same way. The new political units that emerged reflected the old administrative regions of the Empire.
CH21		Ch. 21: Noble, T. - The Papacy in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries
CH21	565	The great arc of papal history in the early Middle Ages is the move from Byzantium to the Franks – not easy to change cultural identification especially that of being 'Roman'.
CH21	566	Byzantium occasionally helped against the Lombards – but constant interference by the emperors in dogma.
CH21	566	Justinian II issued a series of edicts rejected by Pope Sergius I. Byzantine efforts to sanction the Pope thwarted by the Romans. Physical confusion, being occupied by other pressing matters, short reigns meant reduction of tension between Byzantium and the popes until Emperor Leo III increased taxes to pay for his wars in the East. Resented in Italy as Byzantium had given no help against the Lombards.
CH21	567	731: emperor Leo III goes iconoclast – rejected by popes who denied the emperor's right to interfere with dogma. Unable to coerce the Pope or Italy, Leo removes sections of territory from the church province of Rome. The Lombards grow bold having seen Byzantine weakness. Popes could not reconcile with Byzantium as help was unavailable and because of iconoclasm. 751: Stephen II appears to Pépin the Bref after the fall of the Exarchate. The Pope wanted a protector not a new master.
CH21	568	As papal leadership in central Italy grew, the military aristocracy (prominent under the Empire) partially eclipsed and partially brought into papal government. Stephen II and his brother Paul I were Roman nobles. During the reign of Adrian I (772-795), symbiosis between papal administration and local nobility (many nobles in important offices). But quarrels among the aristocracy meant there were now corals within the Lateran.
CH21	569	Pope Leo III has to be rescued by Charlemagne (leading to the imperial coronation). 817: Pactum Ludovicianum between Paschal I and Louis the Pious defines the terms of Carolingian protection of the papacy: Louis only to intervene when asked to. 824: Constitutio Romana requires popes to swear an oath of allegiance and friendship with the Frankish emperor after election but before consecration. Romans to swear allegiance to the Pope. Joint court to hear complaints against papal officials (Imperial and papal missus).
CH21	570	John VIII gets the imperial missus removed since there was no effective protection by the emperor. Mid-ninth century, people administration riven by aristocratic factions (reasons unclear. Members of the people administration (not in control thereof) were allies of military men outside of the city ('the imperial party'). Other factions in the Papal administration looked for support among the population of Rome.
CH21	571	Nicholas I tries to restrict the election of Pope's to cardinals of Rome only (the pact with Louis the Pious had specified all Romans). Problem of institutional capture by powerful families who saw the Papal administration as furthering their interests. Elite families had large land holdings and military officers under Byzantium. Entered the Papal administration with the decline of Byzantine influence – kept their landholdings. Also, the Lateran and was a big landowner. Secular/ecclesiastical nobility interwoven but juridical power in the hands of the clergy. Rising prosperity due to Carolingian protection and the removal of owner's Byzantine taxation.
CH21	572	Control of the Lateran meant control of huge wealth and hence patronage opportunities. Difficulties by mid-ninth century as Carolingian power faded and Arab attacks began.
CH21	572	Pope Sergius II takes on Louis II and refuses to swear allegiance. Death of Lothar leaves Louis II with only Italy and therefore not enough power to achieve influence anywhere. Powerless to intervene meaningfully in conflicts (e.g. inter-Lombard or intra-Lateran). After death of Louis II, magnates and the Pope opts for different candidates to succeed him. John VIII succeeds: Pope now final arbiter over choice of emperor.
CH21	573	Successive popes take actions to protect Rome against Saracen raids (not always successful). Summary: under Byzantium, secular administration more important than the Papal administration so aristocracy not interested. Once papacy increased in importance, elites entered the Papal administration – which accelerated the growth of influence at the cost of importing the inter-aristocratic conflicts. Carolingian intervention kept these under control but was increasingly resented. Once the Carolingian is no longer there, increase in factional violence…
CH21	574	… leaving Rome to the mercy of the Arabs.
CH21	574	As early as the fourth century, emperors had assigned to the church public responsibilities (e.g. legal jurisdiction in minor cases). By the 8th/9th centuries, popes were head of both religious and secular administrations. By this time, most popes were Roman, noble and experienced administrators. the rest were other Italians from good families.
CH21	575	Papal elections 'clergy and people of Rome' (whatever that may have meant in practice). Elections usually violent and corrupt, especially after the end of Carolingian protection. Not resolved to mid 11th century. Article then gives details of the organisation of papal administration.
CH21	576	Details of papal administration in the contado.
CH21	577	First attempt at papal temporal rule in central Italy failed due to Carolingian impotence and social/political dynamics in around Rome.
CH21	577-583	Details of the role of the papacy and the Christian world.
CH21	583	Popes asserted that their power trumped the Emperor's (immortal versus mortal) but rarely in a position to enforce it.
CH21	584	By the ninth century, popes began to reassert themselves – but not accepted by emperors (e.g. Gregory IV's intervention in a dispute with Louis the Pious and his sons). Nicholas I talked the talk but not able to walk the walk.
CH21	586	Papal statement about power and authority usually not grounded in reality – without the protection of the Carolingian's day were powerless.
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Source: Reuter, T. (ed.), New Cambridge Medieval History Vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000)

Work	Page	Note
CH04		Ch. 4: Nelson, J. - Rulers and Government
CH04	95	Images of monarchy in the 10th century: kings as Christ's earthly representative. Only in Italy (perhaps) was Constantinople still considered the imperial centre. Elsewhere, imperial rule was non-Roman, meaning only rulership over a number of realms.
CH04	95	The Carolingian Empire was the inspiration for the Ottonian Reich but West Francia recognised no imperial overlord.
CH04	96	Kings could bring victory and well-being but were not 'sacred' ex officio – much made of individual 'good' kings – and queens.
CH04	96-97	Provision of justice and peace the business of Kings – Charlemagne as an exemplar.
CH04	98	Italy still a state of sorts but no tradition of royal annals. The abundant literacy (especially in law and government) allowed laymen to administer without a king to legitimise it. Italy was therefore different to the rest of Frankish Europe.
CH04	98	During the 10th century, patrilineal links with the Carolingians broken in West and East Francia but notions of kingship persisted. Marriage is well used to enhance literacy. Examples: Henry the Fowler married a daughter to the leading Lotharingian magnate Gislebert; son Otto (I) was married to Edith of England; Otto I married his son (Otto II) to Theopanu of Byzantium.
CH04	98-99	Also marriages with powerful aristocratic families: Henry the Fowler's second wife had strong Saxon connections.
CH04	99	10th century kingdoms: East and West Frankish kings flying over the increasingly fragmented middle section but the ultimate division into France and Germany was not inevitable, some pan-Frankish ideas still existed.
CH04	99	Some resources lacking to both Ottonian and Capetians: no royal lineage – lack of opportunity for plunder, tribute or territorial gains…
CH04	99-100	… Increasingly difficult for kings to remove counts after hereditary succession for several generations.
CH04	100	Gain of power for aristocrats as they took root in their territories. Both East and West Francia were in danger of collapse around 920 but both secure by around 1000. Suggestion that the reason was that aristocratic interest regarded kingship as its legitimation of power – provision of continuity.
CH04	100	Italy: long-term disunity crystallised and the region was absorbed into the Ottonian Empire but the physical distance of the ruler meant that Italy developed its own forms of devolved and indigenous power. Reduction of three Carolingian successor states to two and the 10th century as the foundation period for the long-standing linkage between Italy and Germany.
CH04	101	Limited role of ethnicity in the formation of the new kingdoms. Frankish Empire not specifically ethnic: the unifying force was Latin Christianity together with Frankish arms. Polyethnic in legal and social reality. Only in the 10th century did 'rex francorum' become the title for West Francia kings. [Is this correct? Didn't Charlemagne carry this title?]
CH04	101	By the end of the 10th century, East Francia had lost its close connection with Franconia – Franks/Saxons on the way to becoming Germany. At the end of the 10th century, despite the extinction of the Carolingian line, expectation that there would be a regnal dynasty – kingship embedded in family structures and politics.
CH04	101-102	But: distinction between family and regnal resources beginning.
CH04	102	Initially, regnal dues collected despite absentee rulers – but who were present long enough to maintain their claims throughout the second half of the 10th century.
CH04	102-103	Distinction between kingship and family: 1) succession managed collectively (electors), magnates imposed standards of royal conduct. Flodoard notes that in Italy magnets disturbed the realm because of the king's insolence [922: Berengar – magnates called in Rudolph of Burgundy] an action considered legitimate resistance. 2) tendency of realms to become indivisible, examples: Rudolf II of Burgundy; Henry the Fowler; replacement of Charles the Simple by Robert. Recognition of a regnal community: once an undivided succession had occurred a couple of times, division became improbable and then unthinkable.
CH04	104	No principle of indivisibility – could occur due to a dynastic accident of only one legitimate male heir, as was the case with Otto I, II, III. Dwindling of royal resources made sub- kingdoms unfundable.
CH04	105	Ottonian is maintained large Empire by being ignorant (were the kings of Saxons and Franks) – monasteries ruled by relatives as dynastic centres.
CH04	108	Role of consecration and affirmation by nobles as a means of asserting king's superiority – the Ottonians were the grandest but were imitated by others.
CH04	109	Symbolic importance of regalia, especially a crown – depersonalises the king, regalia became symbols of state.
CH04	120	Role of the Church (especially monasteries) in supporting the monarchy but…
CH04	120	Italy the exception: ecclesiastical power strong locally but divided against itself. Lombard and Carolingian kings had strong secular institutions and some historians claim that the state survived well throughout the 10th century. However…
CH04	121	… From the 10th century onwards systematic dismantling of the structural bonds between the centre and localities. Evolution of the term 'districtio' from meaning legal coercion to a generic term for an area of jurisdiction (ruled by a bishop or a count). The 10th century counts were no longer ex officio agents of the royal government in Italy and also elsewhere in the old Carolingian kingdoms. Inheritance of titles now normal practice but could involve royal approval. In West and East Francia, kings not able to readily remove uncooperative counts, one factor being distance and span of control. Greater possibilities for control in East Francia due to the presence of dukes/margraves, whose appointments needed royal approval. Royal control also asserted via marriage arrangements.
CH04	122	No paid bureaucracy (unaffordable) – ad hoc arrangements and direct contact between monarch and powerful subjects. Use of senior clergy for administrative functions.
CH04	123-124	Kings had to rely on aristocrats for military support – royal households were small (as they had been in the Carolingian period) – social power of magnets rested on their military effectiveness.
CH04	124	Importance of assemblies as social glue and as means of keeping the peace through the (re)-forging of personal links [networking writ large].
CH09		Ch. 9: Müller-Mertens, E. - The Ottonians as Kings and Emperors
CH09	251	Ottonian Italian policy: preserve balance of power between margrave's, counts, bishops; encouraging development of smaller margravates and giving privileges to bishops. Roman aristocracy and popes had no interest in serious practical application of imperial power in Italy.
CH09	252	Otto I imposed his will on a reluctant Rome.
CH09	253-254	Uprising against John XIII brings Otto to Italy 966-972. Dispute with Byzantium over the lordship of Spoleto and Benevento – compromise solution.
CH09	254-255	Death of Otto I disturbed the equilibrium in Rome.
CH09	255	982: Otto II adds 'Roman' to his title – but heavily defeated at Cotrone.Otto elected in Verona by German/Italian Princess, crowned by Archbishops of Ravenna and Mainz – shows desire to keep Germany/Italy together.
CH09	257	Otto III, influenced by his Byzantine mother, Theophanu, had visions of unrestricted imperial rule (he was a great admirer of Charlemagne) – wanted to revive the Roman Empire.
CH09	258	Otto III treated Rome as if it were an imperial bishopric – refuses to acknowledge the Donation of Constantine. Otto used the phrase 'renovatio imperii Romanorum'.
CH09	260	In the 40 years from August 961 to January 1002, there were five rulers and they spent 16 years 10 months in Italy. Orientation of the government towards Rome.
CH09	261	1004: Henry II elected 'rex Langobardorum' – Suggests that Italy was partly separate from Germany. Henry II reverts to Otto I's balance of power policy with regard to Italy.
CH09	265	If the Ottos inclined towards being Roman, Henry Moore linked with Germany – but with connections to Italy: 'rex Teutonicorum, imperator augustus Romanorum.
CH13		Ch. 13: Bouchard, C. - Burgundy and Provence, 879-1032
CH13	328	Originally named after a tribe that settled between Geneva and Lyon in the fifth century, Burgundy was conquered by the Merovingians in the 530s and became one of the three Frankish kingdoms (Neustria, Austrasia). It covered all of the Loire – Rhône – Saône from Orleans to the Mediterranean.
CH13	328	843: Divided by the Treaty of Verdun. Charles the Bald got the area [French Burgundy] from the Saône to the lower (the future Duchy of Burgundy), less Sens and Troyes, the eastern border being the Saône-Rhône basin. Lothar I got the area east of the Saône and south of Mâcon, plus Lyon/Vienne to the Mediterranean [Dauphine/Provence]. Known as 'Cisjurane Burgundy' or 'Provence'.
CH13	330	855: Imperial Burgundy [i.e. Lothar I's section] divided [on Lothar's death]. East of the Saône [Transjurane Burgundy] went to Lothar II; the rest became a kingdom for his brother Charles [of Provence].
CH13	330	879: Boso elected King of Burgundy and Provence; the first non-Carolingian ruler. Took full advantage of 'Königsnähe': he had been a close member of Charles the Bald's circle and had marriage links to the royal family.
CH13	330	Boso also had property and titles in both Imperial and French Burgundy.
CH13	331	Boso acted as Viceroy in Provence for Louis the Stammerer(Son of Charles the Bald). 869: Charles the Bald marries Richildis, Boso's sister; Boso himself was married to Ermengard, daughter of Louis II. Boso crowned king after the deaths of Charles the Bald (877) and Louis the Stammerer (879).
CH13	331	Boso's eight-year reign (879-877) taken up with wars against the sons of Louis the Stammerer and their allies (including Pope John VIII).
CH13	332	Boso also opposed by his brother Richard le Justicier.
CH13	332	888: accession of for more non-Carolingian 'kinglets': Odo/France; Berengar/Italy; Arnulf/Germany; Rudolf I/Upper Burgundy. Note: no king for Provence – see next entry.
CH13	333-334	After Boso's death, Ermengard tried to get Charles the Fat to adopt her son (the future Louis the Blind), giving him a possible legitimate claim to Provence.
CH13	334	The removal of Charles the Fat in 887/888 open the door for Rudolf in Upper Burgundy and Louis [the Blind] in Provence (890).
CH13	334	Burgundy: Rudolf I; French Burgundy: Richard le Justicier; Lower Burgundy – Provence/Louis.
CH13	334	Louis rules Provence successfully for 10 years and then tries to extend his rule to Italy. Campaign against Berengar initially successful: 900 crowned King of Italy, 901 crowned Emperor by Benedict IV. Marries Anna, daughter of Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. Berengar renews the war – Louis captured and blinded 905.
CH13	334	Louis returned to Provence and rules until his death in 928. Following this, Provence never again a separate kingdom with an independent king…
CH13	333-335	… Louis's son Charles-Constantine only ever count of Vienne.
CH13	335-339	Details of events in French Burgundy.
CH13	339	Rudolfine kings of Upper Burgundy were Welfs – Welf's daughter Judith had been married to Louis the Pious and Emma to Louis the German.
CH13	340	Descendants of Welf: Welf – Conrad of Bavaria – Conrad Count of Auvergne – Rudolf I. Rudolf's sister Adelaide married Richard le Justicier.
CH13	340	Rudolph had designs on a larger kingdom but was foiled by Arnulf of Germany.
CH13	340	912: Rudolf I succeeded by Rudolf II.
CH13	340	Rudolf II continues his father's policy of expansion. 922: invades Italy, is accepted by some, defeats Berengar but then confronted by Hugh of Arles (second cousin of Louis the Blind).
CH13	341	After the death of Louis the Blind, Hugh of Arles takes the County of Arles but his real designs were on Burgundy. Marries Rudolf I's widow, Willa but was unsuccessful against Rudolf II. Invade Italy and, 926, is crowned King of Italy. Rules Italy for 20 years until driven out [by Berengar II]. Does a deal with Rudolf II, conceding Provence to him in exchange for a free hand in Italy.
CH13	341	Hugh's continued designs on Upper Burgundy. In 937, marries Rudolf II's widow, Bertha of Swabia and affiances his son Lothar to Adelaide, daughter of Rudolf II. However, Conrad III, son of Rudolf II, succeeds to Upper Burgundy (937-993).
CH13	341-342	938: Otto I invades Burgundy and takes Conrad III under his protection.
CH13	342	Conrad owes allegiance to Otto I. Death of Lothar (son of Hugh of Arles) – his widow Adelaide marries Otto I, giving Otto a claim to be King of Italy.
CH13	342	After the death of Hugh of Arles, Conrad III extends his role into Provence – although the real ruler was Otto I.
CH13	342	933: Conrad III succeeded by his son, Rudolf III. Conrad III's daughters: Gisela marries Henry of Bavaria and becomes the mother of the future emperor Henry II/Gerberga marries Hermann of Swabia and becomes mother of the future emperor Conrad II.
CH13	342-343	Rudolf III (993-1032) weak – aristocrats more more independent. The emperors who succeeded the Ottonians (Henry II and Conrad II) renewed authority over Burgundy.
CH13	343	Rudolf III had no sons and after his death, Burgundy is attached to the imperial crown. Conrad II crowned King of imperial Burgundy 1033. The imperial kingdoms of Burgundy and Provence disappear in the 11th century.
CH13	343-344	By the late 10th century, Provence is a county rather than a kingdom.
CH14		Sergi, G. - The Kingdom of Italy
CH14	346	Extent of the kingdom at at the time the deposition of Charles the Fat: Piedmont – Friuli, Emilia as far as Modena, Tuscany, Marche, Abruzzi. Romagna-central Italy, interlinked with patrimonium Petri.
CH14	346	Berengar of Friuli crowned 888, Guy of Spoleto (Wido) 889. Berengar was originally from the lower Rhine and Guy from the Moselle. Both were related to the Carolingians with large amounts of hereditary Carolingian territory.
CH14	346	Two other important imperial marches: Tuscany (Adalbert at first neutral), Ivrea (Piedmont/Liguria) –Anscar, pro-Guy.
CH14	348	Guy had good relations with the Church (crowned emperor 891). Berengar's power base was in north-east Italy, Guy's everywhere else.
CH14	348	894: unsuccessful interaction by Arnulf (king of Germany). Death of Guy but Berengar unable to take advantage is Guy's son Lambert recognised by many.
CH14	348	896: Arnulf crowned Emperor but forced to return to Germany due to illness. Deadlock until death of Lambert in 898. Berengar sole ruler that cannot deal with the Magyars. Adalbert makes contact with Louis of Provence who becomes king and emperor. But Louis is captured and blinded by Berengar and returned to Provence. Berengar crowned emperor after successful campaign against the Saracen base at the mouth of the Gargliano [915].
CH14	349	Anti-Berengar coalition forces him back to Veneto/Friuli. Rudolf II of Burgundy called in to defeat Berengar (Fiorenzuola 923). Berengar killed 924. 926 Hugh of Provence called in (essentially to guarantee the aristocratic status quo).
CH14	350	Many smallholders sell to large landowners for security and economic reasons – Kings stopped the general call up of troops in favour of vassals/large landowners who could supply enough men.
CH14	351	Fragmentation of governance by granting of immunities (even to quite small units). Berengar had no choice but to do this but it allowed for the development of large and important magnates.
CH14	351	The few areas of territorial stability became important: Tuscany, Ivrea, Friuli, Spoleto.
CH14	352	Hugh of Provence welcomed by all (926). Strong ruler rewards friends and relations – but also removes them as well when needed. Marries Marozia but chased out of Rome by her son Alberic. Does deal with Rudolf II of Burgundy to keep him out of Italy.
CH14	353	Hugh puts down revolts and repels Arnulf of Bavaria (935). Moves Anscar to Spoleto (later killed by Hugh's forces in 940).
CH14	353	937: Hugh married the widow of Rudolf II (Bertha) and patrols his son Lothar to Bertha and Rudolf's daughter Adelaide.
CH14	353	940-943: Hugh at the height of his power – strong centralised government, large affinity, intolerant of local power.
CH14	354	Hughes centralisation not appreciated by local aristocrats. Berengar of Ivrea becomes the focus of opposition but. Flee to Germany where he makes contact with Otto I. Hugh breaks up Ivrea into more manageable pieces.
CH14	355	More opposition to Hugh. Return of Berengar in 945 Hugh returns to Provence and leaving his son Lothar as king with Berengar as counsellor. Dies 947.
CH14	355	947-950: Lothar/Adelaide and Berengar overhaul the political system to ensure heritability of ecclesiastical and public offices. Key personnel replaced by loyalists. The territory now a collection of independent local power bases. Berengar II becomes king on death of Lothar in 950.
CH14	355-356	Berengar II loses support due to, inter-alia, his treatment of Adelaide.
CH14	356	951-952: Otto I gain support marries Adelaide – describes himself as King of Lombard/Italy despite no election.
CH14	356	Problems in Germany and with the Magyars force Otto to return home and bearing Ga II retains the Crown but only as Otto's vassal and with loss of north-east Italy to Germany.
CH14	356	955: Victory at Lechfeld frieze Otto for intervention in Italy. Has become ungovernable due to pro--and anti-Berengar alliances.
CH14	357	Italian aristocracy always searching for foreign leader who would have nominal authority but without real control.
CH14	357	962: Otto enters per via and is crowned Emperor in Rome. Berengar II forced into exile in Bavaria but his son Adalbert continues the struggle and has some success after Otto returns to Germany. Adalbert defeated in 965 and flees to Burgundy. Otto returns in 966.
CH14	357	Both bishops counts had increased their powers under Berengar I (bishops) and Hugh/Berengar II (counts). Hugh gave counts power to reward his placement; Berengar II in order to keep them happy. Increases in both bishops' immunities and temporal powers, counts hereditary rights to power acknowledged. Royal authority only spasmodic and ad hoc – worked with or against local magnates on a case-by-case basis. No formal system of hereditary rights. Hugh wanted new men with no links to the Carolingians – which helped the rise of (say) Adalbert Azzo of Canossa.
CH14	359	Otto invited to Italy by local elites but did not seek formal election/approval but just took control à la Charlemagne. Otto had big ideas about kingship but was forced to pay attention to the power of local magnates: for example, papal elections require the presence of imperial envoys.
CH14	360	Otto promoted locals rather than importing and rewarding followers from Burgundy or Provence.
CH14	360	Unlike the earlier Kings, Otto was interested in the south. Negotiations with Byzantium for the marriage of his son with Theophanu but negotiations took a long time due to Byzantine suspicions of Otto's interests in the south. Marriage takes place in 972 – Otto returns to Germany where he dies in 973. The stability established by Otto survived despite no king in Italy. Otto II becomes involved at the end of 980.
CH14	361	Otto II also interested in the south – gets agreements with Lombard Benevento and Naples. Apulia and Calabria incorporated into the kingdom 981-982. But defeated by Muslims near Crotone and forced to withdraw. Died suddenly at the end of 983. Succeeded by three-year-old son Otto III, Theophanu regent in Germany, Adelaide in Italy. The administration more or less worked due to efforts put in earlier but the south was effectively lost, as was Rome.
CH14	362	994: Otto III comes of age and in 996 turns to Italy. Crushes revolts in the north and in Rome and places his cousin as Pope Gregory the fifth. A revolt in Rome elects the anti-Pope John XVI. The revolt put down with great violence. Otto and Gregory both had unrealistic ideas about their power. Otto III plans to restart his campaigns in the south but dies in January 1002. Increase in seigneurial power based on actual landholdings rather than administrative boundaries (both lay and clerical).
CH14	363	Larger holdings becoming territorial principalities but appointed officials still important elsewhere. List of major players.
CH14	364	Tuscany under further royal control but powerful and stable dynasty is formed anyway. Spoleto somewhat peripheral to the kingdom but important in 10th/11th centuries because of its links to the papacy.
CH14	365	Arduin of Ivrea more interested in local affairs – results in clashes with important bishops, especially Peter of Vercelli (killed).
CH14	365	Internal conflicts in Rome (Gregory V versus Crescentius) prevent papal intervention against Arduin (up to 999).
CH14	366	Otto III/Sylvester II concede much to churches in Piedmont. Arduin rules with nobles (especially those who held ecclesiastical fiefs). Arduin crowned king of Italy February 1002 after death of Otto III. Not a nationalistic or anticlerical move.
CH14	367	Henry II does not accept the separation of Italy and Germany. A first intervention in 1002-1003 was defeated. Second intervention in 1004 by Henry himself succeeds in dispersing Arduin's supporters. He is crowned May 1004 but has to put down a rebellion. Divisions and the nobility prevent serious opposition to Henry II, Arduin returns to his estates
CH14	367	1005: Henry II returns to Germany to deal with problems there. Arduin the de facto king but in effect, there were two powers in the kingdom. Arduin's rule was patchy both territorially and temporally. Large areas outside of any effective control sees growth in autonomous action (e.g. cities in Tuscany taking action against Saracens). Also intercity conflict (e.g. Florence/Fiesole). Arduin helped by anti-German popes but the election of Benedict VIII (1012) established good relations with Henry II who returns to Italy in 1013.
CH14	368	Henry II tracked local support (lay and ecclesiastical). Crowned emperor February 1014. Arduin tries a rebellion but is defeated and dies December 1015.
CH14	368-369	Henry II consolidates position initially by redistribution of lands and by bringing in his own men from Germany. Henry II returns to Italy in 1022-1023, strengthens his relations with Benedict VIII. Died childless in July 1024 (last of the Saxon line).
CH14	369	Conrad II not very interested in Italy. Attempts by some Italian aristocrats but Conrad crowned with difficulty. She a number of heterogeneous local influences made royal government increasingly difficult. Recent research shows that Ottonian policy was not simply pro bishop to counter local aristocrats but more ad hoc…
CH14	370	… some bishops gained influence; others lost it. Only Otto III and Henry II imported German bishops in significant numbers. Berengar I was the first to use the charisma and the military power of bishops: grants them temporal power (had prestige in cities and the contado. Middle 11th century bishops begin to use the title of 'Count'.
CH14	370-371	The Carolingian division of territory into counties continued, even when part of a larger structure such as the Margravate of Tuscany, or where there were no counts (Liguria/Piedmont). Growth in the allodial power enshrined in private law (jurisdiction transferable with the land).
CH14	371	Even more absences of the Kings from Italy meant that, in the early 11th century, royal policy was more coordination of dominant factions with occasional interventions rather than as a stable centralised source of power.
CH25		Ch. 25: Shepard, J. - Byzantium and the West
CH25	605	In the 10th century, Byzantium not much interested in the West; more concerned with the Balkans (Bulgars) and the eastern Muslims. That said, there was a need to maintain bases in the West to disrupt nearer enemies. Also, claims to Italian territory based on recent successes, not just Roman inheritance. Stress laid on the aid that Byzantium had supplied against the Arabs in Italy (e.g. Capua /Benevento).
CH25	605-606	The importance of the Byzantine bases in Sicily – naval strength as a bulwark against the Arabs – disproportionate influence and status thereof.
CH25	606	Sicily, Calabria and Illyricum came under the patriarchate of Constantinople. The Byzantine military position in the West was not hopeless, Taormina only finally taken by the Arabs in 962.
CH25	606	However, loss of control of the Straits of Messina Ltd by Byzantine ability to interfere in Rome or further north; need for allies in the West. Muslim raids and bases further north a motive for intervention but few actual operations.
CH25	606	The most effective land forces were those of the Southern Lombard principalities.
CH25	606	915: a successful coalition organised against the Saracens in the Garigliano valley but it soon collapsed – Lombards raiding and retaking Byzantine possessions in southern Italy.
CH25	606-607	Few important rulers in the West needed to maintain strong relations with Byzantium (managing either conflicting or converging interests), the exception being Venice.
CH25	607	Byzantium one of the few outlets for Venetian goods – Byzantium encouraged the establishment of the Venetian fleet as it obviated the need for one of their own at the end of Byzantine reach.
CH25	607	Nevertheless, Venice was still low on Byzantine priorities – Rome more important (Imperial coronations and residents of Pope).
CH25	607	The Pope was the sole Western figure who could intervene meaningfully in Byzantine affairs.
CH25	607-608	Importance of the Pope in religious matters – especially papal rulings – but also political considerations.
CH25	608	Papal claims to Illyricum included the area occupied by the Bulgars. Papal negotiations with Bulgarian emperor Symeon (who had imperial pretensions). Byzantium keen to keep the Pope on good terms in order to counter Bulgarian plans.
CH25	608	Byzantium concerned to limit the impact of others using the papacy to claim the title of Emperor – but more interested in links with rulers in southern Francia for two reasons: i) to limit the power of any Lombardy-based emperor; ii) formation of alliances to drive the Arabs out of Italy...
CH25	609	… for example, the marriage of Leo VI's daughter, Anna to Louis III of Provence – but did not achieve its objective.
CH25	609	Failure of Byzantine efforts for a marriage with Marozia (she married Hugh of Arles) but later alliances with Hugh against Lombard 'rebels' were successful.
CH25	609	At the behest of Hugh of Arles, Byzantine ships attack Fraxinetum (944 or 945). 944: marriage of Hugh's illegitimate daughter Bertha to infant son of Constantine VII (Romanos).
CH25	610	After the death of Hugh (947) Constantine VII enters relations with Berengar of Ivrea looking for stability in Italy so as to preserve his plans to reconquer Crete.
CH25	610	Byzantium had some contacts with regimes north of the Alps but mainly concerned with the Balkans/Mediterranean area.
CH25	610-611	More interests in the North after 951 once Otto I started to intervene in Italian affairs.
CH25	611	Soundings by Constantine VII for marriage between his son Romanos with Hadwig, niece of Otto I. Her father was Henry of Bavaria who had occupied Aquileia (between Venice and Byzantine Dalmatian interests). These negotiations came to nothing.
CH25	611	956: successful expedition to southern Italy to relieve Muslim pressure.
CH25	611	Western attempts to establish relations with Byzantium block by Venice.
CH25	611	Substantial operations in Sicily 962-965 were heavily defeated by the Arabs but Byzantium still power.
CH25	611	It was a coincidence that both Byzantium and Otto intervened in Italy at the same time. Pope John VIII crowns Otto Emperor but also intrigues for Byzantine assistance (according to Liutprand of Cremona).
CH25	612	Continuous issues between Western emperors and Byzantium: 1) both empires looked to a Roman past for legitimacy. Byzantium did not actually oppose Western claims but did not encourage them either. But Byzantium was sensitive to the issue – Otto not concerned with Byzantine approval for his title (unlike Charlemagne).
CH25	612-613	2) Christianisation of Eastern Europe (e.g. Bulgars and Magyars) – whether this should be based on Rome or Constantinople.
CH25	613	Tensions with Byzantium caused by Otto's actions in Italy: pact with Venice, fealty of Pandulf Ironhead of Capua-Benevento. In the other direction Greek influence in Rome.
CH25	613-614	Attempts at accommodation of interest (including marriages) were difficult…
CH25	614	… especially over who was to be the overlord of the Southern Lombard duchies.
CH25	615	968: Otto again invaded southern Italy but Byzantine countermeasures successful.
CH25	615	970: A new demarche by Otto to the new Byzantine emperor John Tzimiskes results in the marriage of Otto II with Theophanu (took place 972) but this was much derided by Italian and German magnates as Theophanu sas not for prestigious enough. However this was the best deal Otto could get – not able to displace Byzantine control in southern Italy. But, at bottom, Italy and Rome were not a priority for him.
CH25	615-616	Impact of Theophanu on Ottonian court culture uncertain but…
CH25	616	… Otto II was more interested in Roman imperial past and his father. Attempts to subjugate Venice, attacks Byzantine Taranto and tries to expel the Saracens from southern Italy. However, his army was annihilated in 982 at Capo delle Colonne and dies December 983. Buried in St Peter's.
CH25	616-617	Otto III even more attached to imperial mystique and his father.
CH25	617	Otto III spirituality – could read and speak Greek. Negotiations for a Byzantine marriage.
CH25	618	Otto III chooses Rome as his residence and uses Byzantine trappings…
CH25	619	… Uses Greek titles for his officials and apes Byzantine imperial practices.
CH25	620	Otto III's grip on Rome not liked in Byzantium willing to have good relations. Marriage with Zoe, a daughter of Constantine VIII agreed and she lands in Bari in early 1002 – but Otto III had died.
CH25	620-621	Otto III's claims to be the sole continuation of the Roman Empire.
CH25	621	Byzantine accommodation of Otto III linked to Byzantine plans to attack Bulgaria (which was alight hungry). Looking for support due to the marriage links between Hungary and Bavaria (maybe).
CH25	622	The death of Otto III and his successors preoccupation with affairs north of the Alps ended Byzantine-German relations for 20 years. Byzantium occupied with Bulgarian affair and was unable to intervene in Italy. 1017: first intervention by the Normans (aiding Byzantine operations in southern Italy).
CH25	622	Revolts against Byzantium in southern Italy put down by Basil Boioannesin 1018 – helped by the end of the Bulgarian campaign. He was a capable administrator: reinforced Northern Apulia but upset Pope Benedict and the German emperor.
CH25	622-623	Alliance between Benedict and Henry II.
CH25	623	Henry II intervenes in southern Italy in 1021 forced to withdraw when his army was struck down with dysentery.
CH25	623	1025: Byzantium close to re-conquering Sicily but death of Basil II brings the operation to an end.
CH26		Ch. 26: Loud, G. - Southern Italy in the Tenth Century
CH26	624	For most of the ninth century southern Italy was in turmoil: Benevento riven by successive disputes (formal split in 849 made matters worse). Internal conflicts prevent responses to Saracens (from Sicily and North Africa). Change for the better around 900 due to 3 factors: 1) revival of Byzantine fortunes – recapture of northern Calabria, consolidation of southern Apulia, creation of Theme of Langobardia.
CH26	626	2) stability of non-Byzantine southern Italy through resolution of internal conflicts – union of Capua/Benevento. 3) reduction of threat from Saracens due to internal instability in Sicily. The resulting situation: Byzantine possessions: Apulia/Calabria; Lombard Salerno; Capua/Benevento;. Three coastal duchies in Gaeta, Naples, Amalfi, just towns with small dependency and reliance on overseas trade. The only remaining Saracen threat was from their base on the Garigliano river.
CH26	627	Successful elimination of the Garigliano base in 915 (papal/Byzantine alliance). Only a few limited Saracen raids thereafter. Post 915, Capua/Benevento attempts on Byzantine Northern Apulia not successful.
CH26	628	More successful from 921 onwards but return to status quo after 934. Resumption of Saracen attacks after 947 (internal problems solved); the attackers were paid off. Byzantine areas were stable but Byzantium not able to enforce rule of the coastal duchies with the partial exception of Naples. General dissatisfaction with Byzantium as an 'absentee landlord'.
CH26	629	Italy was of secondary importance to Byzantium which was faced with greater threats elsewhere so it was left to its own devices. Byzantine interventions were largely defensive except for the disastrous attempt on Sicily in 964. From 966, Otto I tries to impose his rule on southern Italy helped by Benevento. Otto concedes Spoleto and Camerino to Capua/Benevento as a means of controlling the papacy. Otto's military successes limited and of short duration.
CH26	630	Ottonian/Byzantine relations patched up by the marriage of Otto II to Theophanu.
CH26	630	Military stalemate. 966: Otto's client, Pope John XIII raises Capua and Benevento to be archbishoprics as an entire Byzantine measureas the Benevento ecclesiastical province went deep into Byzantine territory where most people were Latins.
CH26	631	Byzantine ecclesiastical countermeasures. 980s: Benedict VII (reign of Otto II) does the same with Salerno – again Byzantine countermeasures. Saracen raids on Calabria drive the population (largely Greeks) north to the border of Salerno and into northern Apulia. Reorganisation of Byzantine Italy: the Theme of Langobardia now in charge of all. Major ecclesiastical reforms in order to bind the Latin churches to Constantinople…
CH26	633	… to reduce the influence of the pope. Byzantine control remains intact despite increases in Saracen rates, helped by a collapse of Ottonian rule and partition of Capua/Benevento. Northern Apulia added to the Theme of Langobardia.
CH26	633-634	General prosperity in Calabria at the end of the 10th century.
CH26	634	Calabria/Lucania population largely Greek. Apulia had large Latin populace and so had to be given more autonomy. High taxes and efficient collection thereof caused tensions.
CH26	635	In Lombard territories, succession problems much less in the tenth century than in the ninth.
CH26	636	In Lombard areas, princely authority eroded by unwise alienation of property in order to secure support.
CH26	637	Gastaldatis becoming hereditary, weakening central authority [similar problem in the North]. This was exemplified by incastellamento which provided defence and acted as a magnet for new settlers.
CH26	638	The 10th century was a time of growing population and increasing agricultural prosperity. Transition of gastalds (royal officials) into counts (hereditary territory holders).
CH26	639	Process helped by Lombard partible inheritance practices. In Capua/Benevento, princes use large monasteries as counterweight to the counts (including allowing them to Incastellamento.
CH26	640	Capua/Benevento separate in 981
CH26	641	The small size of the coastal duchess meant that there was less diminution of princely authority – the hereditary process early in place. Importance of overseas trade to coastal duchess, proportionate to the size of the hinterland (Amalfi had the smallest dependency and was the biggest trader). Importance of trade with the Muslim world meant that coastal duchies were reluctant to get involved with the anti-Saracen operations (and sometimes even the reverse).
CH26	642	Profits from trade help consolidate princely rule. The arrival of the Ottonians in 960 causes the duchies to orientate to Byzantium.
CH26	642-643	970s: growing power of Capua/Benevento threatens to make it the dominant force outside Byzantine Italy in the south but the death of Pandulf Ironhead causes the breakup of his empire into Salerno, Benevento and Spoleto (from 1982).
CH26	643	982: collapse of Ottonian influence after their defeat at Cape Colonna by the Saracens and Otto II's subsequent death. The last German intervention in the south for 16 years.
CH26	644	Decline of princely authority accelerated by disputes in ruling families and Otto III was unable to stop this.
CH26	644	Resumption of Saracen raids on the east of the peninsula in the 980/990s; Byzantium unable to help. Bari only rescued by the Venetian fleet.
CH26	645	Also, Saracen raids in the 990s on Salerno and Amalfi.
Work	Page	Note

Quattrocento

Notes: New Cambridge Medieval History